He set in motion key reforms to wipe out the image of the Conservative party being upper class elitists who do not understand the people that had been so prevalent in the last election. Finally, splits over the Korean War both over the political justifications for British deployment, and over the cuts in public spending domestically brought about splits in the party which made it poorly placed to fight the 1951 election. So, while Labour won the popular vote, gaining large majorities in their constituencies, the Conservatives won the majority of seats, gaining narrow victories, but in more constituencies. While the more right-wing Gaitsgillites wanted more concentration on an aggressive foreign policy on issues like the cold war. It had several effects, all of which were harmful in both the long and short term. Unpopular policies like high taxes. system, Alongside the abolishment of Prior to the war of April-June 1982, the Conservative Party was slumped at a consistent 27 per cent throughout late 1981, with a slight recovery in early 1982. His frugality extended to his welfare policies, which involved the further tightening of benefit payments. support for the party. Labour's promises of social reforms won them many votes, however it was these promises which led to their failure in 1951, when many people believed that the promises hadn't been delivered. spring of 52' due to the Kings tour of Australia it hit the party at a Then, the second ministry saw a fractious Parliamentary party being further divided over the Korean War and the advancement of the National Health Service, leading up to a comfortable Tory win in the October 1951 election. This aim was ill-fated and in the eyes of many economists , obviously exceeded the country's economic capacity, . 20. century British politics had been dominated by the conservatives, and Labour had never formed a workable majority before 1945. The impact of the Petrov Affair will be seen to significantly alter the political landscape of Australia and providing the liberal government under Menzies an opportunity to reconfirm their anti-communist sentiment. While it cannot be disputed that Labour kept their campaign simple, it would be ill-advised to declare that it helped enormously. Just by losing a core of middle class voters, Labour lost a great many marginal contests and most particularly in the well-to-do constituencies of southern and south-eastern England. Britains economic resources were being drained from all directions; Foreign Policy, Nationalisation, Welfare and Austerity. The shock the election caused was comparable to the results of the 1906 and 1979 elections, and would have a profound impact on how the country was rebuilt in the post-war period. He beat the Zeitgeist, the vibe and the emotional appeals while leaving Clive Palmer and the Greens failing to live up to expectations. These party reforms and the reorganisation proved worthwhile, as can be seen in the 8% boost in votes. Within the Cabinet, Gaitskells decision to expand the defence budget at the expense of domestic spending enraged health minister Nye Bevan in particular, who resigned as a response to the Korean deployment. The popularity of the 1942 Beveridge Report, which laid much of the groundwork for the establishment of the NHS and the Welfare State, was an endorsement of Labour politics. Gaitskell adopted a similarly pragmatic approach to Britains budgetary problems and kept typically socialist long-term economic planning to a minimum. Conservative opposition fell off quickly, however, when the popularity of the NHS became increasingly apparent following its inception in 1946. Both of these policies were unpopular amongst the mass electorate, and rationing caused consternation most notably the middle class, to whom the need for wartime prudence was no longer apparent. This brought about a little unrest within working class support but it was the effect on middle class attitudes and the cracks opening among the Parliamentary partys support which began to harm electoral credibility. The new Chancellor Sir Stafford Cripps expected of the country an austere realism which entailed the retention of rationing. As Labour struggled to legislate effectively, and following another badly-handled balance of payments crisis in the summer of 1951, Attlee dissolved Parliament in September and Labour subsequently lost albeit narrowly the October election. A defeated conservative MP at the time, Macmillan, claimed that It was not Churchill who lost the 1945 election, it was the ghost of Neville Chamberlain. Public transport -1948 Explanation: The poor timing of the 1951 election can also be claimed to have weakened Labour's position. In 1951 Winston Churchill's Conservative party, won the general election, and this would be the start of 13 years of Conservative rule pning three prime ministers. (45 Marks) The 3rd May 1979 saw the greatest parliamentary swing since the war, with the Conservative Party polling 43.9% of the vote; thereby winning 339 seats (up 62 since the last election). 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Labour had problems with trade unions- more strikes in the country. Finally, splits over the Korean War both over the political justifications for British deployment, and over the cuts in public spending domestically brought about splits in the party which made it poorly placed to fight the 1951 election. Conservative In the 1951 election, which party focused mainly on past successes? Atlee used this as an opportunity to emphasise that although Churchill was a great wartime leader he was not such a good domestic politician. The newly recruited young members dramatically contrasted with the aging Labour cabinet and presented the Conservatives as a rising party fit to govern. Britains economic resources were being drained from all directions; Foreign Policy, Nationalisation, Welfare and Austerity. Conservative pre-war blunders played a key role in Labour's victory due to the electorate remembering these mistakes. Essay on why Labour failed to renew itself after it fulfilled its 1945 manifesto This committed the UK government to keeping the value of sterling at a stable rate against the US dollar, and this meant that the governments hands were tied as they sought to address Britains balance of payments deficit by means of international trade. After 2003 Labour experienced a severe decline in its public standing, not least because of public unease with Blair's role in the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. In realising that the quality of life was far more important to the public than any other factor, the Conservatives promised to build 300,000 houses a year, although they did admit in their manifesto that not much could be done to lessen the strain of rationing in 1951. These acts included the reforms set out in the Beveridge plan, various other reforms and nationalisation. and been in government The first-past-the-post system ensures that the elected government has a workable majority. The Conservatives were back in power once more, but they did little to. As a response to the housing problem, Dalton committed to building one million new homes, 80% of which were council houses to be rented cheaply to those who most needed them. This divided party had stood no chance against the organised, well-funded Conservatives. party opposed to the split labour, His limited standing within the House of Furthermore, an apparently humiliating trade policy including subservience to US demands was particularly discrediting in the eyes of post-colonialists who identified this as betrayal rather than pragmatism. Dunkirk triggered many people to blame the conservatives and their previous leaders for appeasement. The economy's recovery was further hindered by the short-sighted need to remain a world power. The very honesty and simplicity of the campaign helped enormously. fundamentals called for further In spite of some successes during 1948, including good export figures, participation in the Berlin Airlift and regardless of middle class perceptions generous relaxations in rationing, the publics faith in the Attlee government to manage the rebuilding of Britain had dropped off considerably. Greenwood, a Labour Politician, commissioned Beveridge to produce a report outlining a socio-economic strategy of post-war reconstruction. We provide reliable homework help online and custom college essay service. Gaitskell had imposed upon the health service prescription charges for glasses and false teeth, which to Bevan and other NHS idealists represented the betrayal of NHS founding principals. We have detected that Javascript is not enabled in your browser. The changes appear to have been hugely beneficial to the majority of the population. This caused widespread discontent as even during the war, bread had not been rationed. By 1951, however, their roles had reversed. The campaign is all too often seen as the most important factor in Labour's landslide victory in 1945, however it is of less importance than the war or their policies, for example. Gaitskell 1950, Bevan failed to accept compromised proposed by How this translates to an election is that only the votes for the winning candidate in each constituency are counted towards seats in parliament. For all of my fellow A2 AQA historians out there, I hope this helps! future plans, Budget of 1951 heavily criticised by To the most left-wing Labour MPs and enthusiasts, this was a betrayal of socialist solidarity; on the other hand, to many more involved with the party this represented subservience to US demands. Representation Of The Peoples Politicians are often rejected by voters because they have failed in office. response of Tory MP to Working class voters, on the other hand, remained loyal to the Labour Party and the 1951 election saw Labour poll the highest aggregate popular vote ever achieved in Britain. This massive reform of the 1945-1946 period was dealt a blow in February 1947, when the government faced a fuel crisis. Best Answer Copy Labour lost to various reasons, the main ones being: The Winter of Discontent, the miscalculations that James Callaghan made and the appeal of Thatcher to voters. Reply 1 7 years ago A TSR George OP Following the 1966 General Election, the Labour Party's Home Policy Committee observed that the party had, "for the first time, obtained a majority of the female vote" and remarked, "it would be very satisfactory if we could retain it."
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